{"id":400,"date":"2026-07-31T14:43:46","date_gmt":"2026-07-31T14:43:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nationalconsumerreportss.com\/?p=400"},"modified":"2026-07-31T14:43:46","modified_gmt":"2026-07-31T14:43:46","slug":"war-race-and-americas-values","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nationalconsumerreportss.com\/?p=400","title":{"rendered":"War, Race, and America\u2019s Values"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

On a rainy spring morning in New York\u2019s Hudson Valley this past May, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth delivered a fiery speech to the graduating class of the United States Military Academy at West Point. The lecture\u2014and it most certainly was a lecture\u2014relied on now-standard talking points from the former Fox News host.<\/p>\n

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To the assembled West Point Corps of Cadets and their families, Hegseth railed against an \u201cobsession with race and gender,\u201d linking it directly, if mendaciously, to a \u201cwatering down of discipline.\u201d He argued that the phrase \u201cOur diversity is our strength\u201d was \u201cthe single dumbest phrase in military history.\u201d He instructed cadets that they should \u201cnot see color\u201d or \u201ccelebrate identity months.\u201d And he castigated those who \u201cembraced the DEI craze and tried to introduce diversity and inclusion studies,\u201d which, in Hegseth\u2019s mind, meant they also were advocating for \u201canti-American ideologies.\u201d<\/p>\n

If the secretary\u2019s oration was unsurprising\u2014in both combative tenor and muted Republican Party pushback\u2014what immediately followed offered a jarring image that called into question the underlying message of his address.<\/p>\n

Following West Point graduation-day traditions, Hegseth was presented a framed cadet saber, a symbolic gift from the graduating cohort. Cadet Miles Manney, a Kansas City native and class president, bestowed the honors, standing next to the defense secretary for pictures as both their hands clutched the wooden shadow box. It was a time-honored part of the day\u2019s ceremony.<\/p>\n

What stood out this<\/em> day and after this<\/em> speech? Manney is Black. And, by all accounts, an impressive young man. As a cadet, he served as the brigade information systems officer for the entire corps, earned a minor in terrorism studies, and taught Protestant Sunday school. Looking now at the photo, as both men held on to that cadet saber box, one cannot help but wonder what was going through their minds. Did Hegseth deem Manney undeserving of his position? That Manney had graduated from West Point simply to fill an \u201carbitrary\u201d DEI \u201cquota\u201d of the kind Hegseth had criticized during his address? Was Manney pained by the coded language and perceptible dog whistles of Hegseth\u2019s hostile speech? How did Manney\u2019s family and close friends feel about the politicization of a day intended to be about celebration of achievement?<\/p>\n

The language in Hegseth\u2019s sermon offered stark testimony that the Black struggle in America, while surely improving since the Cold War civil rights era, endures. Journalist and author Wil Haygood likely would agree. In the epilogue for his latest\u2014and superb\u2014book, \u201cThe War Within a War: The Black Struggle in Vietnam and at Home,\u201d Haygood writes admiringly of Lloyd Austin III and Charles Q. Brown, the first Black men to rise to the ranks, respectively, of secretary of defense and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A postscript, however, tenders a more somber tone. Haygood ends his story with both Secretary Hegseth and President Trump assailing a \u201ccadre of gifted Black military leaders,\u201d purging websites of \u201cnotable Black and female achievements in the military,\u201d and, ultimately, firing Brown from his chairmanship.<\/p>\n

If Haygood leaves his readers on a discouraging note, it\u2019s hard not to be inspired by the personal stories that drive \u201cThe War Within a War.\u201d In writing about the \u201cBlack struggle,\u201d both at home and abroad, Haygood tells the stories of a series of individuals whose dedication to social, political, and economic progress is as energizing as it is uplifting. The breakdown of the Cold War consensus during the turbulent decade of the 1960s makes that struggle all the more impressive.<\/p>\n

Haygood\u2019s book, however, is not just a tale of civil rights struggles during the era of the Vietnam War. Rather, Haygood paints a larger story of the Black experience in America as he moves across the nation\u2019s racial past with both compassion and authority. Reading Haygood\u2019s account is akin to following a seasoned docent through the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, D.C., whose tour focuses on military service and the promises and consequences of America\u2019s martial past.<\/p>\n

Still, the American war in Vietnam takes center stage in Haygood\u2019s narrative. Complementing the work of historians before him, such as Beth Bailey, who long have explored the military\u2019s institutional approach to the \u201cproblem of race\u201d during the 1960s, Haygood\u2019s book concentrates on individuals, advancing a more social and cultural rendering of this era. And, in a way that combines journalistic narrative with keen historical exploration, he offers informative context with which to make sense of his featured individuals\u2019 stories.<\/p>\n

We see Black recruits being sent into combat units in Vietnam at a disproportionately higher rate than White soldiers. We peer in on local draft boards, especially in the American South, that reinforced racialized politics by proffering military service deferments based more on color than on need. We empathize with young Black men and their families as they make decisions about donning a uniform predicated on economic necessities and limited employment opportunities within America\u2019s inner cities of the 1960s. And we listen to activists such as James Baldwin, Muhammad Ali, and Martin Luther King Jr., all of whom likened the bombing of Vietnamese villages to the violence meted out in Black neighborhoods across the United States.<\/p>\n

This historical context, while both necessary and engaging, only forms the foundation for the personal stories that Haygood so capably recounts. At their core, these tales illuminate the deep relationships between an overseas war and an existential struggle at home, linked indivisibly by an American nation grappling with its very identity. In essence, two conflicts unfolded simultaneously during the 1960s with race at the center of both. Connecting them, Haygood\u2019s writing evokes the breezy, sometimes surreal style of Michael Herr\u2019s \u201cDispatches\u201d combined with Studs Terkel\u2019s ear for oral history and brisk storytelling in \u201cThe Good War.\u201d<\/p>\n

Each chapter\u2014independently following a doctor or an infantry company commander or a Motown executive\u2014transitions seamlessly from home front to battle front. Haygood confidently tours ROTC programs at historically Black colleges and universities and the heavy fighting around Landing Zone X-Ray in Vietnam. He juxtaposes the \u201cwanton savagery of white law enforcement\u201d at Selma with the \u201cBlack anger and defiance \u2026 percolating in Vietnam.\u201d If one needs evidence of the deep bonds between war and the society that fights it, \u201cThe War Within a War\u201d offers an impressive place to start.<\/p>\n

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Contradictions abound in these personal stories, presenting difficult questions, if not challenges, to the men and women who served in Vietnam, if not to 1960s American society writ large. Was the \u201cdap\u201d handshake\u2014a stylized greeting popular among African American soldiers involving palm slaps and fist bumps\u2014a sign of cultural esprit de corps or an affront to military order and discipline? Was fighting communism abroad more important than resolving racial inequities at home? Perhaps most frightening of all, were young Blacks conscripted into the armed forces and trained to kill the enemy a potential threat to society once they returned home from Vietnam? Haygood carefully avoids a moralistic tone while exploring these weighty questions, instead elevating the individuals he follows by accentuating their voices across an expansive narrative.<\/p>\n

In one illustrative chapter, Haygood turns his attention to Wallace Terry, one of Time magazine\u2019s most discerning correspondents of the entire war. Terry had followed in the footsteps of earlier reporters working for prestigious Black newspapers such as the Chicago Defender. He attended Brown University and arrived in Vietnam in 1967 to help cover \u201cthe Negro soldier\u201d serving there. Terry, as witness, wrote about the growing political consciousness among Black troops, listened as they made connections between military policy in Vietnam and racial injustices at home, and, like many veterans, found it difficult to integrate back into society after returning to the United States. His oral history of the Black experience in Vietnam, \u201cBloods,\u201d remains an indispensable resource for historians of the conflict.<\/p>\n

In another chapter, Haygood demonstrates breadth of scope by featuring the temperamental relationship between President Lyndon Johnson and Georgia Democratic Sen. Richard Russell. An ardent segregationist \u201cDixiecrat,\u201d the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee also was a committed anticommunist and mentor to LBJ. Russell voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 yet committed himself to giving Johnson everything the president required to prosecute the war in Vietnam. On the ground in Southeast Asia, however, Black soldiers watched in despair as the president reluctantly yet purposefully diminished funding for his War on Poverty at home to compensate for a ballooning defense budget in support of an increasingly stalemated conflict overseas.<\/p>\n

If contradictions drive many of Haygood\u2019s stories, so too assumptions among Black Americans that military service would lead to expanded civil rights, a way to prove their mettle as citizen-soldiers and be rewarded accordingly for their sacrifices. Such expectations were not new. During World War I, scholar and civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois applauded Black participation in the global conflict as a means for attaining full citizenship. Meritocracy in the armed forces, so the argument went, would extend to civilian society. Perhaps unsurprisingly in retrospect, Du Bois would be disappointed by the \u201cbetrayal\u201d of an American government and society all too eager to reinforce the Jim Crow system of oppression at the war\u2019s end.<\/p>\n

Both the contradictions and assumptions highlighted by Haygood elicit a compelling argument made by historian William A. Taylor. In \u201cMilitary Service and American Democracy,\u201d Taylor maintained that uniformed service might be seen as a \u201clitmus test for American values\u201d and that military personnel policies often \u201cserved as the nation\u2019s conscience, bringing difficult and uncomfortable questions about American values into sharp relief.\u201d It\u2019s hard to decipher where Haygood might fall in this historical argumentation.<\/p>\n

There are moments within Haygood\u2019s story of true meritocracy in action. West Point graduate Joe Anderson, whose infantry platoon became the subject of an Oscar-winning French documentary. Air Force pilot Fred Cherry, who broke down racial barriers during his service in the Korean War before being shot down and imprisoned in North Vietnam and becoming a model of resistance for his fellow POWs. Art Gregg, whose prowess in logistics earned him a place in history as the U.S. Army\u2019s first Black lieutenant general and namesake of Fort Gregg-Adams in Virginia\u2014until Secretary Hegseth changed the base\u2019s designation back to Fort Lee.<\/p>\n

Yet alongside these inspiring stories sit tales of political disappointment and economic despair. Black youths drafted into the armed forces through Project 100,000\u2014ostensibly a government-sanctioned \u201csocial uplift program\u201d\u2014that made eligible for conscription the poor and less-educated segments of society. Black veterans struggling with the consequences of an unfair courts-martial system or the debilitating effects of Agent Orange and drug habits formed in Southeast Asia. Dwight Johnson, one of only 23 Black recipients of the Medal of Honor in Vietnam, who suffered from post-traumatic stress and was fatally shot in Detroit while trying to rob a grocery store. Were these stories a \u201clitmus test\u201d of American values? Or those of Cherry and Gregg?<\/p>\n

Perhaps, looking back on this tumultuous era, the answer is a complicated \u201cboth.\u201d And perhaps that\u2019s among the greatest values of reading \u201cThe War Within a War.\u201d It seems understandable, then, that Haygood places the story of Henry Flipper, the U.S. Military Academy\u2019s first Black graduate in 1877, within the chapter on Joe Anderson, West Point class of 1965. Chances are that newly minted 2nd. Lt. Miles Manney will honor their legacies by writing his own chapter of some future story.<\/p>\n

In the end, being swept up in a narrative unencumbered by strict adherence to historical chronologies allows readers to contemplate how our nation\u2019s martial history cannot be told without considering our long and complicated history with race. Haygood moves back and forth between years, even decades, to place the Vietnam era in its rightful historical context. In doing so, he shows us how war and race are inseparable from the American story.<\/p>\n

\u201c<\/em>The War Within a War\u201d is a book of breathtaking scope that should be read by any American interested in learning from their nation\u2019s racialized military past. And, perhaps not least of all, by those like Pete Hegseth who, regretfully, seem far less so.<\/span><\/p>\n

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A review of Wil Haygood, \u201cThe War Within a War: The Black Struggle in Vietnam and at Home\u201d (Alfred A. 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